By Shona McKellar
Conventional nursery rhymes, energetic riddles, and modern verses by way of famous poets train youngsters to count number ahead and backward, upload, and subtract whereas being entertained.
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Some consumers have constructed ordinary food consumption as a strategy for political activity, referred to as political consumerism or political consumption (Micheletti et al. 2003). In such cases risk-handling can be regarded as a type of political activity, albeit one that is more an individualized, micro-local and solution-oriented type. This may be contrasted to, for example, membership in organizations or grassroots political activism, which are the main types of political activity in Denmark (Goul Andersen et al.
The relation between ‘community’ and ‘food-related risk-handling’ is too complex to discuss fully in this short space. However, the empirical results from the focusgroups study seems to indicate a mixture of patterns, just as in the case of the relation between food practices and ‘agency’. Consumers don’t necessarily understand their practices as part of a community of co-consumers, be that a concrete or an imagined one. Influence In order to discuss the degree of political influence that risk-handling consumers might achieve, it is necessary to discuss the different types of influence they can exert in their role as consumers.
Hewitt, M. (1991), ‘Bio-politics and Social Policy: Foucault’s Account of Welfare’, in M. Featherstone et al. (eds), The Body: Social Processes and Cultural Theory, London: Sage. Hirschman, A. O. (1970), Exit, Voice and Loyalty, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Holm, L. and Kildevang, H. (1996), ‘Consumers’ Views on Food Quality: A Qualitative Interview Study’, Appetite, 27: 1–14. Ilmonen, K. (2001), ‘Consumption and Routine’, in J. Gronow and A. Warde (eds), Ordinary Consumption, London: Routledge.